The concept of sanctuary, providing refuge and protection to people who are marginalized and oppressed, has a long history in the United States—even when the United States itself is responsible for that repression.
An early example of sanctuary in the United States is the Underground Railroad of the 19th century, which helped people escape slavery through routes and houses identified as safe by abolitionists and freedom seekers. In the 1950s and 60s, African-American organizers of the civil rights movement often held meetings in churches. Immigrant justice advocates have pioneered “sanctuary churches” since the 1980s.
These days, the concept is most often associated with so-called “sanctuary cities”—state and local jurisdictions that say they refuse to cooperate with federal efforts to deport undocumented residents. These cities have been relentlessly targeted by the Trump administration.
Meanwhile, through three iterations of the Muslim Ban and other policies, Trump has drastically cut the number of refugees accepted into the United States from other countries.
The administration’s aggression has reignited movements to challenge anti-immigrant policies and defend the rights and safety of immigrants. Successful legal challenges have been lodged against an anti-sanctuary city order, for example, while other challenges initially delayed the full implementation of the Muslim Ban. Still, none of that fightback has deterred the administration from its war on sanctuary, or on immigrant communities more generally.
Troublingly, the U.S. foreign policies that displace people from other countries remain firmly in place. And here, there’s a lot of room for the sanctuary movement to grow.
With the administration creating such a hostile atmosphere, the role of sanctuary to protect vulnerable communities has become even more critical. But in the long term, sanctuary has to mean more than just providing refuge, or filing legal briefs on behalf of the displaced, though these services are vital.
Ultimately, with sanctuary should come a renewed commitment to challenging the U.S. foreign policies that actually displace people.
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The Revival of the Sanctuary Movement
The modern sanctuary movement evolved in the 1980s in response to the heavy hand of U.S. policies in Latin America—a history detailed extensively in a 2006 Migration Policy Institute paper by Susan Gzesh.
The right wing was on the rise then, and so was the Cold War.
In the late 1970s and 80s, El Salvador and Guatemala became embroiled in civil wars. Rather than supporting democracy, the United States intervened to help vicious right-wing governments suppress Marxist-led popular movements there.
In El Salvador, Gzesh writes, U.S. forces aided Salvadoran military forces and paramilitary death squads that “were responsible for thousands of disappearances and murders of union leaders, community leaders, and suspected guerilla sympathizers, including priests and nuns.” Next door in Guatemala, the country’s U.S.-backed army waged a genocidal counter-insurgency campaign against indigenous communities.
The result of these policies was a massive refugee flow. Ultimately, nearly a million Salvadorans and Guatemalans fled to the United States.
Despite the fact that they were fleeing repressive governments backed by the United States, these displaced people were treated as “economic migrants,” and consequently denied their status as refugees or asylum seekers. Because of this designation, Gzesh notes, approval rates for Salvadoran and Guatemalan asylum cases fell to under 3 percent in 1984—compared to 60 percent for Iranians, 40 percent for Afghans and 32 percent for Poles.
This gross discrimination led to a political response, as well as grassroots resistance.
In 1983, some members of Congress advocated for “Extended Voluntary Departure” for Salvadorans fleeing unrest at home. However, this request was denied, as the Reagan administration claimed approving it would only cause a larger influx of Salvadoran refugees seeking to come to the United States. Despite attempts by the House of Representatives to pass bills shielding Salvadorans from deportation, none succeeded in the Senate.
Unfazed by these political setbacks, the sanctuary movement in this era pushed immigration justice forward and broke new ground through the coordination of a broad array of grassroots movements. It was galvanized, in part, by religious congregations in places like Tucson, Arizona, and by religious leaders like the Rev. John Fife, who declared his Southside Presbyterian Church a place of sanctuary for migrants. The mid 1980’s saw the evolution of a strong sanctuary movement that included more than 540 religious congregations that publicly supported sanctuary.
Importantly, these congregations were joined by many human rights and anti-war groups—who, Gzesh says, sought to turn the debate over sanctuary into a broader “indictment of the Reagan administration’s war in Central America.”
At the same time, Salvadoran and Guatemalan refugees were developing internal mechanisms and organizations to help members of their own communities gain the assistance that they so desperately needed. These organizations included Casa Guatemala, Casa El Salvador, Comite en Solidaridad con el Pueblo de El Salvador and others.
Meanwhile, legal services projects were launched by attorneys and other activists to provide assistance to detained refugees. These efforts expanded with lawyers from nonprofits offering legal services, and private practitioners acting as legal counsel for refugees. During this time, local and national bar associations and the National Lawyers Guild National Immigration Project helped address the growing need for legal assistance.
Amid the increasing political momentum, a class-action suit called American Baptist Churches v. Thornburgh was brought forward to challenge the Reagan administration’s policies, which until that point not only categorically rejected political asylum claims, but also criminalized those who had assisted refugees gain asylum.
1991 brought a legal victory in the U.S. District Court in San Francisco—in the form of a settlement that not only allowed political asylum cases once denied to be re-opened, but also allowed for other refugees who feared the political climate the chance to apply. This decision allowed class members to obtain work permits, while also protecting them from deportation.
Importantly, Gzesh recounts, the settlement also “included language stating that government decisions on political asylum cases would not be influenced by foreign policy considerations.” That was a huge victory.